His Holiness drove to St Paul’s Cathedral where he was received by the Rt. Rev. Michael Colcough, Canon Pastor of St Paul’s. As they walked up the old steps together and through the pillared crypt to the Vestry, His Holiness said it reminded him of the steps and corridors in the Potala Palace; indeed both buildings date from the late 17th century. During a short meeting in the Vestry with Dr & Mrs Jack Templeton and their daughter, Dr Templeton told His Holiness that his father, John Templeton, who founded the Templeton Prize and who would have been 100 this year, would have been very pleased by this year’s award. His Holiness recalled his own father, who he said was quite short tempered, and his mother from whom he had his first lessons in kindness and generosity. He also talked about how the source of a calm mind is within ourselves, our warm-heartedness, while education equips us to take a broader, more realistic view of our situation. Dr Templeton places great store by gratitude and asked how we can train to develop gratitude and compassion. His Holiness suggested that when people come to appreciate that cultivating such inner values has a positive effect on our physical health and well-being, while anger is bad for our health, people are much more ready to try to develop them.

After being joined by Jonathan Dimbleby, who was to moderate a Meeting with the Press, the conversation turned to Tibetan medicine in which Dr & Mrs Templeton, as physicians, were interested. His Holiness explained that as a result of the Tibetan Emperor convening an international medical conference in the 8th century CE, Tibetan medicine had incorporated many influences. He added that its medications, made mostly from herbs and minerals are effective.

Jonathan Dimbleby opened the Meeting with the Press by introducing Dr Jack Templeton, President and Chairman of the Templeton Foundation, who spoke of his father’s wish to reward “entrepreneurs of the spirit” and his theme, “how little we know and are eager to learn.” He explained that the judges had chosen to reward His Holiness because of his steadfast adherence to spiritual values and his conviction that compassion and kindness have the power to improve the world.

His Holiness in turn spoke of his commitment to sharing with others his experience that genuine inner peace comes from within, as well as his commitment to fostering harmony and respect among other faiths. He mentioned again his sense that the judges had awarded him the prize in acknowledgement of his small service to humanity. Dan Goleman, author of the best-selling book, Emotional Intelligence, and a founder member of the Mind & Life Institute, praised His Holiness’s conviction that science and spirituality can both contribute to the relief of suffering and the furthering of compassion. Richie Davison, another Mind & Life veteran, commended His Holiness’s persistently pointing out that compassion and kindness are part of everyone’s emotional repertoire, an insight that has had a profound impact on modern science. In 2003, at a Mind & Life conference His Holiness pointed out that Buddhism has many methods for dealing with destructive emotions. He suggested that scientists explore their applications under laboratory conditions and if they proved useful make them available to others.

His Holiness answered several questions from the press. He then gave interviews separately to Arianna Huffington of the popular Huffington Post and Sky News. He attended a lunch with invited guests of the Templeton Foundation.

In the Oculus, a historical viewing room under the Cathedral, His Holiness met Prime Minister David Cameron and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg. Both leaders expressed concern for the situation in Tibet and interest in other developments in China. His Holiness advised them to stick to their principles without being deflected by short-term economic considerations. Shortly afterwards, His Holiness met Archbishop Rowan Williams, who has recently announced that he will retire at the end of this year.

His Holiness was driven to the front steps of St Paul’s Cathedral where the ceremony to award the Templeton Prize was being held. He was welcomed by Tibetan Tashi Sholpa dancers and received by the Rt Rev and Rt Hon Richard Chartres, Bishop of London and the Rt Rev Michael Colclough, Canon Pastor at St Paul’s Cathedral who led him through the Great West Doors. They walked in procession down the centre aisle as His Holiness greeted new and old friends alike on either side.

Rt Rev Michael Colclough welcomed everyone to St Paul’s Cathedral a place where people have encountered hospitality, sharing prayer, concern and philosophy for more than 1400 years. He commended His Holiness the Dalai Lama as a man of peace and integrity, a man holy for his advocacy of compassion and tolerance.

Lord Brian Griffiths told the congregation about Sir John Templeton, his generous life and his optimism. Dr Jack Templeton’s opening words were about his father who established the Templeton Foundation and the Templeton Prize, which is now in its 40th year. He said his father wanted human beings to be more open minded about the nature of reality. He said the prize seeks to identify entrepreneurs of the spirit, men and women who seek and provide wisdom. He expressed gratitude to everyone at St Paul’s Cathedral for enabling the ceremony to take place there, referring to the Cathedral as embodying the spirit and might of the British people. He declared that the Templeton Prize judges had decided to make their award to His Holiness this year because of his steadfast spiritual values, the power of kindness and compassion.

In accepting the Templeton Prize, His Holiness said how happy he was to be in St Paul’s this magnificent temple filled with smiling faces. He noted that among the several hundred people there, many belonged to different nations and races and yet all were fundamentally the same as human beings. Because of this sameness, he said, we have no reason to quarrel, but when we forget it and focus instead on secondary differences between us we tend to fall out with each other. He spoke of a calm mind as the source of genuine happiness and that a calm mind depends on self-confidence, because it reduces fear and anxiety. He spoke of his work to foster harmony and mutual respect among the world’s religious traditions, his work to encourage cooperation in tackling our environmental problems and his work to promote the use of non-violence as a means to resolve problems and conflict. He referred to the twentieth century as a period of great development and achievement, but also as a period of bloodshed. He expressed his hope that the twenty-first century can become instead a period of peace and dialogue. He said that he considered his award of the Templeton Prize as recognition of the small contribution he has made to humanity in these fields.

Explaining what he intended to do with the prize money, His Holiness announced that he would give $1.5 million to Save the Children Fund specifically to address the problems of malnourishment among children in India. He said he had long had great admiration for the work of Save the Children and had personal experience of the support it had given Tibetans during their early years in exile. His hope is that if we educate and care for the children of the coming generation, the generation who carry the future on their shoulders, we can really change the world. He is also giving $200,000 to the Mind & Life Institute, an organization that has for nearly thirty years helped promote an important exchange of ideas and collaboration between science and spirituality. The remaining $75,000 will be used to support science education in the Tibetan monastic universities.

The congregation were uplifted by the singing of Jessye Norman’s and the St Paul’s Choir.

In his concluding benediction, the Rt Rev Michael Colclough, prayed that we may kindle in the hearts of all people the love of peace.

Greeting Tibetan children and well-wishers as he left the Cathedral, His Holiness returned to his hotel, where his final engagement of the day was a meeting with Robert Ford, the brave Englishman who had operated a radio station in Eastern Tibet in late 1950s.

Tomorrow, His Holiness departs London for Vienna, Austria, en route to Maribor, Slovenia.

All times are in British Summer Time (BST = GMT+1.00)

14 May: Press Meeting Time: 10:00am – 11:00am BST

14 May: Templeton Prize Ceremony Time: 1:30pm BST

For times in your region 1:30pm BST in London is the same 8:30am EDT in New York, 5:30am PDT in Los Angeles, and 7:00pm IST in New Delhi

DHARAMSHALA:  New video footages coming out of Tibet shows tragic self-immolation of three Tibetans and audio recordings of their last wishes to restore freedom and preservation of Tibetan identity and culture under the repressive rule of the Chinese government.  (Watch video footage)

The footages also depicts the peaceful demonstrations and protests that took place in Zamthang,Ngaba in north-eastern Tibet  in January 2012 and the subsequent police firing that killed Ogyen, a 20-year-old Tibetan in Barma township.

The video shows the self-immolation of Nangdrol on 19 February, 2012.  Nangdrol’s photo before and after the self-immolation and his last wishes are also contained in the video.

Nangdrol has stated in his last wish that he is giving up his life to fire because there is immense suffering in Tibet under the repressive policies of Chinese government. He has called upon all Tibetans to preserve our identity, unite and maintain harmony, and pray for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

The footage of Sonam and Choephag Kyab, who set themselves on fire on 19 April 2012 and left audio recordings of their last wishes. They said they self-immolated for the restoration of freedom in Tibet and world peace. The suffering of the Tibetan people is far greater than the tragedy of setting my body on fire,they said. Choephag Kyab and Sonam, both in their early twenties, were studying in a school established by the Chinese government for minority nationals. The location of the schools is not known.

The notice has also clearly outlined a need for stricter vigilance in the prisons and has directed all the prison officials to closely monitor the movements of the Tibetan prisoners.

Lawyers and legal advisers of the prisoners were asked to get the permission only from the chief warden and were allowed only a limited amount of time for case discussion.

The reason for stricter rules in the prison was cited as public security and the welfare of Lhasa residents.

Most of the detention centres and prisons of the Tibet Autonomous Region were situated on the north west of Lhasa. These prisons were built rapidly in 1983 and was used ever since for secret detention of political prisoners and dissidents.

Many respected monks from the three main monasteries of Tibet were also reportedly arrested and detained in these prisons and tortured.

The meeting was presided over by Kalon Tripa Dr Lobsang Sangay and Kalon Dicki Chhoyang of Department of Information and International Relations.

This is the first Office of Tibet (OOT)  meeting of the 14th Kashag.

The meeting deliberated on various agendas of the Central Tibetan Administration including the new Kashag’s guidelines for the various Offices of Tibet as well as on the new policies and budget of the Central Tibetan Administration.

The annual meeting was held after the successful conclusion of the World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet (WPCT) in Ottawa.

12 representatives of the various Offices of Tibet based around the world attended the meeting.

DHRAMSHALA: Reports coming out of Tibet say, four Tibetan monks from Kham Dragko Gochen monastery are arrested by the Chinese police and have gone missing ever since.

Tulku Lobsang Tenzin Rinpoche, Tsewang Namgyal, Thinley and Dalha were arrested by the Chinese police four days after the peaceful protest against the Chinese government on 23 January, 2012 in Dragko.

Tulku Lobsang Tenzin Rinpoche, 40, was a revered reincarnated lama while the other three were respectable monks of the monastery. All four of them were not tried in any court and were not given any sentence. Their well being and current whereabouts is unavailable.

According to a reliable source inside Tibet, one of them is reported to have been killed by Chinese police.

The Sixth World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet Adopted on 29 April 2012

WHEREAS

We, the delegates to the Sixth World Parliamentarians’ Convention on Tibet meeting in Ottawa, Canada, from 27 to 29 of April 2012,

Recalling the findings and statements of the previous five Conventions held in New Delhi, Vilnius, Washington D.C., Edinburgh and Rome, and having reviewed the activities and programs that resulted from these meetings and their impact,

Having reviewed the grave situation in Tibet as well as the policies of the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in relation to the Tibetan people,

Noting with disappointment the lack of progress in dialogue between the Government of the PRC and the Envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama since the meeting of the World Parliamentarians’ Convention on Tibet in Rome in November 2009,

Reaffirming the great value to humanity of the Tibetan culture, language and spiritual tradition,

Recognizing the very important and successful democratization process in the governance of Tibetans in exile by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the recent transfer by him of his political powers and responsibilities to the democratically elected Kalon Tripa and political leaders of the Central Tibetan Administration, which represents the aspirations of the Tibetan people,

Convinced of the continued indispensable role of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in bringing about a negotiated solution to the conflict between the Government of the PRC and the Tibetan people,

WE THEREFORE

Reiterate our firm conviction that this conflict can be resolved through sincere and constructive dialogue and negotiations at the highest level between the Government of the PRC and His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives and the democratically elected political leaders of the Central Tibetan Administration,

Express our equally firm belief that unilateral action in Tibet by the government authorities of the People’s Republic of China, such as the imposition of new policies that do not reflect the aspirations of the Tibetan people, cannot lead to a solution,

Welcome the free and fair character of the elections held last year for the Kalon Tripa and for the members of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile, which the INPAT Election Observation Mission monitored and reported on,

Acknowledge the growing movement for democratic change among the Chinese people as well as the increasing understanding and support among Chinese for the Middle Way approach of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, all of which has potential impact on the realization of the aspirations of the Tibetan people,

Mindful that the yearning for democratic freedom is unstoppable as evidenced most recently in many parts of the Arab world, in Burma and elsewhere,

Understand the critical importance of freedom of information and of access to it through the internet and other electronic means of communication to the success of democratic movements,

Are alarmed at continuing grave violations of human rights in Tibet and the repressive measures taken by the PRC authorities in reaction to these and other peaceful protests by Tibetans,

Continue to be deeply concerned at the attacks by the authorities of the People’s Republic of China on Tibetan Buddhism as well as their policies and practices that destroy, repress, or discourage the preservation and development of other facets of the distinct identity of the Tibetan people, including their culture, language, customs, way of life and traditions, and which display elements of cultural genocide,

Are saddened and moved by the large number of Tibetans who set fire to themselves in protest against Chinese government policies and for a restoration of freedom for Tibetans and the return of His Holiness the Dalai Lama,

Are seriously worried by recent calls by persons of standing and influence with the Chinese Communist Party for the removal of existing provisions on autonomy for Tibetans and other ‘minority nationalities’ in the constitution and laws of the PRC, which would have very negative domestic and international implications,

Acknowledge the ineffectiveness of the bilateral human rights dialogues that governments have held with the PRC in bringing about necessary change,

Welcome the consideration of the human rights situation in Tibet by the United Nations Human Rights bodies and mechanisms, including by the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights and the Treaty bodies as well as through the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council, but regret that no concrete action has been taken by the Council itself,

Deeply regret the apparent lack of political will of the Government of the PRC to respond positively to persistent efforts by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the elected Tibetan leadership for the resumption of the dialogue,

Reject the argument made by the government of the PRC that the engagement of governments with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and members of the elected Tibetan leadership and the expression of support by governments for the peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet through dialogue and negotiations constitute breaches of the ‘one China policy’,

Remain convinced that a sustainable solution to the issue of Tibet can be achieved  through genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC, as evidenced by the positive experience of the many autonomous regions around the world, and note in particular the example set by the creation of the Territory of Nunavut as a self governing community within the sovereign nation of Canada.

WE DECIDE AS FOLLOWS:

Express solidarity with the Tibetan people in their non-violent struggle for their rights and freedoms including the right to determine their own destiny,

Express support also for the Chinese people’s efforts to bring about democratic change to their country and urge that this be achieved in ways that ensure the exercise by the Tibetans of their rights and freedoms and safeguard the rights of other other minority peoples in the PRC as well,

Express concern at the domestic and international efforts by the Government of the PRC to curtail the freedom of information and control electronic and internet communications for political purposes,

Reaffirm our strong commitment to the people of Tibet and the non-violent path they have chosen, under the inspiring leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and commend the Kalon Tripa for his continuing efforts to pursue the Middle Way approach and to promote a resumption of the dialogue with the PRC,

Endorse the principles set out in the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People, which provide the basis for a realistic and sustainable political solution to the issue of Tibet,

Recall the important invitation of Deng Xiaoping to His Holiness the Dalai Lama to discuss and resolve any issues except the independence of Tibet, and note that this position has been repeated by the Government of the PRC more recently also,

Dispel the false accusation that His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration is seeking separation from the PRC since the Tibetan proposals expressly formulate a solution within the constitutional framework of the PRC and therefore call upon the government of the PRC to cease to propagate such misinformation,

Call upon the Government of the PRC to end the repression in Tibet, provide access to all Tibetan areas in the PRC, schedule the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ mission to China and especially to Tibet, and to resume the dialogue with the Envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in that same positive spirit,

Urge leaders of all governments and relevant international organizations to support and promote this dialogue and to engage the government of the PRC in the potential for serious consequences should it scrap its constitutional and legal provisions on autonomy,

Alert the international community to the serious nature and consequences of the ongoing destruction and repression of Tibetan culture, language and religion by the policies of the Government of the PRC, Offer to work with members of the National People’s Congress to jointly ascertain the causes of protest and unrest in Tibet, including the self-immolations,

Urge the Government of the PRC and the international community to address the environmental challenges on the Tibetan plateau where environmental stewardship profoundly affects life in vast regions of Asia, including in China and countries in South and Southeast Asia,

Commit to introducing and/or keeping these issues on the agendas of our own parliaments and international parliamentary organizations and to persuade our own governments to address them in high level discussions with the Government of the PRC, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the democratically elected Tibetan leadership,

Urge governments to create multilateral mechanisms to address the situation in Tibet and to promote a peaceful resolution of the conflict and, in particular, call on the European Union to implement the European Parliament resolution for the appointment of a Special Coordinator for Tibetan Affairs and on relevant national governments to support this initiative, Make available our own expertise both to the Government of the PRC and to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the leadership of the Central Tibetan Administration in order to assist in the furtherance of the objectives contained in this declaration,

Adopt an action program to ensure greater effectiveness in addressing the concerns and advancing the objectives contained in this declaration.

On his last day in Chicago during this trip, on April 26, 2012, His Holiness first went to the chapel of Loyola University to address the Tibetan community. Around 500 Tibetans from Chicago, Madison, Bloomington, and Minneapolis area had gathered.  On his arrival there he was received by officials of Loyola University, Tashi Tsering Phuri of the Tibet Center, Lhakpa Tsering, President of Tibetan Alliance of Chicago, while a select group of children and members of the community sang a welcome song and two children (a boy and a girl) made the Droso Chemar offering.

As His Holiness assumed his seat on the stage, a group of children sang a song in praise of him. His Holiness asked that Kalon Tripa Lobsang Sangay share the stage with him.

His Holiness stressed on the importance of the Tibetan people to preserve their identity.  He said this is particularly important where the Tibetans have to be representative of their people. He talked about the need for the younger generation of Tibetans to know their language. He added that without understanding the language it would be very difficult for the people to really understand their heritage (even though they could read about the same in translation). Therefore, he advised the parents to converse with their children in Tibetan at home and not take the easy way out by speaking in English, for example.

His Holiness then talked about the development in the devolution of authorities to the elected Kalon Tripa.  He said that ever since his childhood, he had witnessed drawbacks in the Tibetan administrative system.  His Holiness said although his officials would not give him the reality of the situation, it was his sweepers in both Norbu Lingka and Potala who used to convey to him about the real developments relating to the Regent or the officials.

Soon after he had assumed temporal authority in 1951 His Holiness had to leave for Dromo. After his return, in 1952, His Holiness said he had started a reform process however on account of the attitude of the Chinese officials who were in Lhasa then his effort could not progress. The Chinese wanted the changes to take place the way they wanted.

After arriving in Mussoorie in April 1959 he was able to reorganize the administrative system, including establishment of new departments like that of education. Then in 1960, the democratic institution began to take shape following a meeting in Bodh Gaya. In 2001 we had the direct election of the Kalon Tripa and following the two terms of Samdhong Rinpoche, His Holiness said the enthusiasm of the Tibetan people in the election process made him decide that he should go for the devolution of his political authority to the new Kalon Tripa and have complete retirement.  His Holiness referred to Kalon Tripa Lobsang Sangay, who was educated in India and later in Harvard, as a symbol of the new generation taking over from the previous generation.  His Holiness spoke about his devolution of authority as the ending of the nearly 400 year old institution of Gaden Phodrang established by the Fifth Dalai Lama.

His Holiness clarified that this development did not mean that he had become demoralized. Nor did it mean the ending of the Tibetan Administration. In fact, His Holiness this had been done to strengthen the administration.  His Holiness said both the Kalon Tripa and the Speaker were aware of the development surrounding this issue.

His Holiness talked about the inaugural ceremony of the new Kalon Tripa as a moving one.  He said when he was 16 he had taken over the political authority from Sikyong Taktra. At age 76, His Holiness said he was happy to be handing over that authority to Sikyong Lobsang Sangay. Taktra was a lama while Lobsang Sangay is not, His Holiness added. Similarly, he said Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche had handed over the Official Seal of the Kashag made by the seventh Dalai Lama Kelsang Gyatso to the new Kalon Tripa.

Encouraging the Tibetan people to be proud of their heritage and identity, His Holiness talked about visiting China in 1954-55 during which he spent a few days in the former Chinese capital Xian. While there an official who accompanied His Holiness told him how Tibetan troops had reached till that town and how the then Chinese emperor had to flee his capital.  This showed the strength of the Tibetan army then, he said.  His Holiness also talked of the richness of the Tibetan religious culture and how the people should make an effort to really study it. He said this would be greatly beneficial. He concluded by advising the people to avoid social ills like gambling, using of drugs, etc.

His Holiness then left for the Gentile Arena of Loyola University to give a public talk on non-violence, hosted by Tibet Center.

His Holiness and the public were first informed about the three winners of an essay contest held among students in schools in Illinois on the topic “How can an attitude of non-violence counteract the prevalence of violence in our families, in our communities and in international relations; and how can we as individuals cultivate and promote such an attitude?” The winners, selected from entries submitted by 109 Illinois students, were Passang Gonrong, Megan Buttermore and Gavin Sullivan.  They read their winning essays before His Holiness.  . The Principals of the high schools of the three winning contestants were also presented with a key to the TIBET INFORMATION BOX, which includes abundant materials on Tibet and H.H. the Dalai Lama for use by teachers.

Thereafter actor and social activist Sean Penn introduced His Holiness the Dalai Lama.  He spoke about His Holiness’ contribution in the field of non-violence, peaceful resolution of conflicts, etc. and how he could be a unifying force as seen during the 2007 congressional gold medal award ceremony to His Holiness when the American leaders from both the parties had spoken in a united voice in uncharacteristic harmony.

His Holiness began his remarks by expressing his admiration at the quality of the winning essays. Looking at the contest winners seated at the side of the stage, His Holiness said that they truly belonged to the 21st century. He said there is no guarantee about the future but at the same time the future is open and how it could be shaped depended on the present. He said, therefore, the younger generation needed to prepare with vision and research on how to reach their goals.

He talked about the need to see the reality from all angles in order to have realistic goals.

His Holiness non-violence does not mean mere absence of violence saying that the demarcation between the two depends on the motivation.   He said non-violence could be an act of compassion and developing a sense of concern.

He said that being social animal, we are all dependent on the rest of the community for survival, irrespective of whether rich or powerful.  His Holiness emphasized the need for cultivating compassion through common experience from using common sense and by looking at the latest scientific findings.

His Holiness said much of the conflicts in the world arise on account of misplaced emphasis on the secondary level of identity while neglecting the basic oneness of humanity.  He also said that modern education system only laid emphasis on external material development and said there was the need to promote inner values. He said along with scientists and social workers there was an effort to introduce moral, compassionate values into the modern education system, right from KG to university level. He added that going the religious way to promote such values will not have universal appeal as no one religion is universal.  He referred to his new book Beyond Religion: Ethics for a Whole World wherein he had expanded on a secular approach to promote inner values.

His Holiness talked about research being done in universities in India and the United States, etc. on the issue.

His Holiness said he was optimistic that within this century there can be a positive change in the world.  He said beginning at the individual level, effort can be made to promote world peace so that this is expanded to the family, community, national and international levels.

Before the Q&A began, as per tradition established by His Holiness about financial transparency relating to events connected with him, the organizers said their total income, including from ticket sales, donation, and sales was around $ 345,000 and after excluding the expenses they projected a surplus of $200,000. This amount will be disbursed to 14 projects identified by the TIBETcenter (and listed on its website).

During the Q&A, His Holiness responded to queries about dealing with young children who show tendencies for violence to how to make people that we can make a change.

Following lunch, His Holiness made some brief remarks to attendees of a luncheon by the organizers. He expanded on the significance of inner values and about the Tibet Center doing good service in preservation of the Tibetan identity.

In the afternoon, Loyola University organized a public talk on Interfaith Collaboration.  The program began with welcome remarks by University President Rev. Michael Garanzini.

Loyola University Chicago, a private university founded in 1870 as St. Ignatius College, is America’s largest Jesuit, Catholic University. Thereafter, students from a variety of registered student faith groups on campus, representing Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism and Buddhism offered brief prayers.

Following this Dean Frank Fennell of the College of Arts and Sciences of Loyola University was invited to join Father Garanzini in presenting an honorary degree to His Holiness for his life-long devotion to global peace and non-violence.

In his address, His Holiness thanked the University for the honorary degree saying he looked at it as recognition of his small contribution in the fields of promotion of human values and religious harmony.  He then expanded on his two commitments showing the importance for promoting secular ethics. Irrespective of whether one is a believer or not, we all need moral principles, His Holiness said.  Concerning religious harmony, His Holiness gave the example of his interaction with a Spanish Christian monk in Barcelona who had spent five years as a hermit. When asked what he was doing during the five years, this monk had responded to His Holiness that he was meditating on love. His Holiness said though different religions have different philosophies they all have the same practice.

His Holiness said people should learn to respect all religions while having faith in one’s own religion. He referred to Pope John Paul II’s pluralistic approach as revealed by the Assisi summit of world religions that he had convened.

His Holiness said the concept of one truth, one religion could be useful in the case of an individual but that for the society as a whole respect needed to be shown to all the religions.

Thereafter, His Holiness answered questions from some of the students. These touched upon ways to promote interfaith collaboration and his views on globalization.  His Holiness gave his experience in interfaith collaboration through discussions with scholars, discussion with practitioners, summit of religious leaders and cooperating with different religions.

His Holiness left for the airport after the talk at Loyola University arriving in Ottawa, Canada, later in the evening for the last leg of his current trip to the United States and Canada.  Kalon Tripa Lobsang Sangay accompanied His Holiness on this trip. On his arrival at Ottawa, His Holiness was received by Senator Consiglio Di Nino of Canada, Mr. Thomas Mann, Chairman of the Tibet Inter Group in the European Parliament Matteo Mecacci, President Italian Parliamentary Inter-Group for Tibet, who are in the working group of the International Network of Parliamentarians on Tibet, a representative of the Embassy of India in Canada, and Mr. Tenzin D. Khangsar, Chief of Staff to the President of the Treasury Board of Canada.

On his arrival at the hotel, Speaker Penpa Tsering, Deputy Speaker Sonam Tenphel, Kalon Dicki Chhoyang, parliamentarians and representatives of Offices of Tibet as well as other participants of the 6th World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet.

In Ottawa, His Holiness will be addressing the 6th World Parliamentarians’ Convention on Tibet (WPCT), being organized jointly by International Network of Parliamentarians on Tibet (INPat), Parliamentary Friends of Tibet, Canada and the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

DHARAMSHALA, 26 April 2012: The Kashag of the Central Tibetan Administration welcomes the Himachal Pradesh State government’s decision to withdraw the criminal case pending against the 17th Gyalwa Karmapa Ugyen Trinley Dorjee. The Kashag would like to thank all the relevant authorities for making this just decision.

The exile Tibetan community is a law abiding community and respects the law of the country they are living in. The Central Tibetan Administration would also like to reiterate its appeal to the Tibetan people to uphold the Indian law and regulation.

Media Contacts:

Tashi, Secretary for Information +919816843798

Lobsang Choedak, Press officer +91 9882232476

Jamphel Shunu +91 9736144923

Where is China Heading on Tibet?

You know that I have been leading the Tibetan delegation for the dialogue with the Chinese government for the last many years. But I am not here today to give you a report on my progress because there is nothing new to say on that front. My last meeting with my counterparts in Beijing was in January 2010. Ever since, despite sincere and serious efforts on my part, we have been unable to reconvene. With the very critical situation in Tibet, the leadership changes both in Beijing and Dharamsala, and due to some other factors, I do not see any prospect for an early resumption, at least under my watch. However, having spent decades on this effort, I still do passionately believe that ultimately the only way for the Tibetans and Chinese to find a mutually acceptable solution for Tibet is through dialogue. I hope therefore that farsighted thinking and a resurgence of political will can prevail over intransigence among China’s leaders, and I am pleased that the democratically-elected Tibetan leader Dr. Lobsang Sangay the Kalon Tripa (Chairman of the Cabinet) has repeatedly expressed a strong continuing commitment to pursue the Middle Way approach initiated by His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Every struggle is unique. In the case of the Tibetan struggle, its uniqueness is derived from the nature of the Tibetan people, the Tibetan Buddhist culture, and the deep historical and personal bond between the Tibetans and His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Even after he devolved his political authority to an elected leadership in 2011, the Dalai Lama’s world view — shaped by the extraordinary, sometimes tragic experiences of his life; the scores of world leaders, including Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mao Zedong and other towering figures with whom he met; and his unwavering commitment to peace and non-violence make the person of the Dalai Lama key to bringing to a close a conflict that has endured for more than 60 years.

Today, I would like to draw attention to some emerging elements in this long conflict and to share with you my serious concern that unless these elements are taken care of, the foundation for any eventual negotiated solution may be lost.

Since I was a fairly young man, I have been privileged to serve His Holiness the Dalai Lama and, in recent years, I have been His Holiness’ chief interlocutor in talks with the Chinese leadership. As a cabinet member of the Tibetan administration in exile and Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I have also had close interactions with leaders and officials at various levels of governments in different parts of the world. Growing up in India’s environment of freedom and democracy has deeply enriched my thinking, and I have been especially fortunate to know and, in many cases, to work closely with a galaxy of Indian intellectuals and political leaders. Here in the United States, where I have been actively engaged in advancing the Tibet cause for nearly 25 years, I have also had the opportunity to know many scholars, government leaders, and officials who have handled Asia, and specifically China policy. Many of them were kind enough to extend to me their personal friendship and mentoring, such as the late Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. I have greatly benefited from the wisdom and guidance of many of these fine people. My 30 years of dealing with Chinese leaders, including with members of the Politburo of the Communist Party, has also provided me with first-hand exposure to their views and priorities, and also their concerns.

These experiences have informed my diplomacy on behalf of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and I would like to believe that I have served him and the Tibetan struggle better because of the information and access I have been given. I hope my remarks today will be received in the spirit in which others have shared their insights with me and as an elder Tibetan diplomat who has lived through these historic times and whose institutional memory is longer than some of those who are less familiar with Tibet yet may be shaping Tibet policy today.

The history of relations between Tibet and China and between Tibetans and Chinese is complex and cannot be understood simply in the context of the relatively young People’s Republic of China. This may seem like an obvious assertion were it not for the fact that many of us do not study history sufficiently, and our friends in Beijing seem intent on convincing today’s policy-makers not only that ‘Tibet is an inalienable part of China’ but also that relations with the PRC must be predicated on a notion incorrectly applied to Tibet that support for the Tibetan struggle violates the ‘one China’ principle.

The present Tibet-China relationship has its roots in China’s military invasion of Tibet in 1949/50 and in the ‘Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet’ imposed on the Tibetans in 1951.

At this juncture, let me turn to a number of issues that potentially affect policy choices facing governments in Asia, Europe and the United States, as well as those of the Tibetan exile leadership. These correspond with three very serious concerns I have with respect to: international behavior relating to Tibet, the possible direction of Chinese policy with respect to Tibetan autonomy, and the alarming situation in Tibet itself.

First, as I mentioned already, I wish to address a phantom cause for paralysis affecting the ability of some governments to put in place a credible and flexible policy on Tibet and the worsening situation there. This is the well known but apparently ill understood??’one-China’ policy invoked by the Chinese government to prevent legitimate inquiry or engagement by members of the international community with respect to Tibet.

The ‘one-China’ policy, as you must know, was created in the early 1970s as the instrument that enabled the United States to establish relations with the People’s Republic of China and maintain relations with the Republic of China on Taiwan.

Then U.S. President Richard Nixon and his national security assistant Henry Kissinger were responding to the Communist Chinese leaders’ need for assurances on U.S. policy with respect to Taiwan when they told Chinese Premier Chou Enlai and Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong that the United States was not pursuing a ‘two-Chinas’ policy. In the 1972 Shanghai Communique, the United States artfully acknowledged that “all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait claim that there is but one China and that Taiwan is part of China?? and the United States does not challenge that position.”

This ‘one-China’ policy paved the way for the joint communique establishing diplomatic relations between the United States and the People’s Republic of China on January 1st, 1979, and the adoption by the United States Congress of the Taiwan Relations Act that same year. Under the 1979 agreement, the United States recognizes the PRC government as the sole legal government of China, while the Taiwan Relations Act set out the nature of relations the United States would maintain with Taiwan in terms that were not inconsistent with the ‘one-China’ policy but protected the status quo and therefore the status of Taiwan, whatever that might be.

Adherence to the ‘one-China’ policy has been reiterated by successive American Administrations, sometimes making explicit reference to the communiques mentioned above or to Taiwan’s unchanging status. Although the ‘one China’ policy was articulated in the context of US-China and US-Taiwan relations, Beijing increasingly demands that other governments with whom it establishes or maintains relations also endorse this ‘one-China’ policy.

What is the relevance of this discussion to Tibet? If one has to look for any reference point for China-Tibet relations, it is not the 1972 Shanghai communique, but the ’17 Point Agreement,’ previously mentioned. In fact, the lack of relevance of the ‘one China’ policy is precisely what I would like to address. No Tibetan government has ever claimed to be the government of China, so the application of the ‘one-China’ policy to Tibet or for that matter, the PRC government’s ‘one China’ principle that stresses the inalienability of both Taiwan and mainland China as parts of a single ‘China’ — simply does not arise.

We have our differences with China’s leaders when it comes to the history of Tibet and our historical independence from China but, as you well know, His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s proposals and statements concerning ways to resolve the Tibetan question all envisage solutions that respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the People’s Republic of China as the state is constituted today. These proposed solutions call for the exercise by Tibetans of genuine autonomy within the People’s Republic of China and within the framework of its constitution not for independence.

Yet, the PRC government vigorously pursues efforts to extend the applicability of ‘one China’ to Tibet and, in recent years, it has misled a number of governments into believing not only that the ‘one-China’ policy applies to Tibet, but that it restricts the extent to which their government officials can interact with Tibetan leaders in exile, including His Holiness the Dalai Lama. We believe that the intended effect of China’s initiative is to limit outside governments from playing a constructive role in promoting a mutually acceptable negotiated solution for Tibet. Indeed, by accepting the applicability of ‘one China’ to Tibet, governments are subtly aligning themselves with the Chinese position that the Dalai Lama is trying to ‘split’ China.

While the PRC government is trying to intimidate some governments into believing that meeting with Tibetan exile leaders would violate the ‘one-China’ policy, in reality, this assertion is counter-intuitive to the policy. If there were a connection, the adherence by any government to the ‘one-China’ policy would have the opposite effect. Since the policy was developed precisely to make it possible for the United States to continue to conduct relations with Taiwan while recognizing the PRC government as the sole government of China, if the policy were at all relevant to Tibet, it then should enable governments to conduct relations with the Tibetan exile leadership and His Holiness the Dalai Lama without incurring Beijing’s displeasure.

Ironically for the Chinese assertion, the United States Government actually directs its officials, through the implementation of the Tibetan Policy Act (P.L. 10-228, Sec. 611) to “maintain close contact with religious, cultural and political leaders of the Tibetan people??” Those European and other foreign ministry officials, or their advisors, who uncritically accept Beijing’s opposite argument should do proper analysis before they caution their own political leaders not to cross this non-existent line on Tibet.

Every government has the right to engage with the Tibetan leadership without affecting its solemn adherence to the ‘one-China’ policy and, I would argue, even has the duty out of self- interest and in the interest of global peace to promote a peaceful solution to the issue by engaging with both sides in the conflict. With the transfer of power in Dharamsala, it is critical that governments are prepared to look ahead and make policy decisions based on direct relations with the new democratically elected leadership whose authority is derived directly from the Tibetan people in exile and is seen by Tibetans inside Tibet to be derived directly from His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

I need not tell you that Tibet is situated in a strategically important place in Asia, at its very heart between the two largest populations of the world (the Chinese and the Indian), and it shares its remaining border with the Islamic populations of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Central Asia. One also must not lose sight of the importance of the Tibetan plateau as the ‘third pole’ or the Earth’s third largest store of ice. And, as climate change continues or even accelerates the melting of Tibet’s glaciers, water issues originating in Tibet will have effects that resonate far beyond, impacting both the water supply for billions of people and the atmospheric circulation over much of the planet.

Instability on the Tibetan plateau can therefore have wide ramifications. It should be considered too that the kind of violent extremism we are seeing in other parts of the world is not seen in Tibet where His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the tenets of the Tibetan Buddhist culture — struggling against great odds to survive — have been moderating factors against the destabilizing and potentially dangerous effects of hate propaganda, increasing tensions and economic inequalities between Tibetans and Chinese, and other risk factors in Tibet. Governments and world leaders seen to engage with Tibetans, especially with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, endorse the message that dialogue and non-violence is a laudable path to follow to bring about change. Fear and even refusal to meet with Tibetan leaders sends the opposite signal to those around the world who stand before the choice of whether to pursue their objectives through dialogue and democratic means or through the use of violence. European and other government leaders who wish to stand for non-violent conflict resolution and against the use of deadly force should be mindful of how they demonstrate their convictions and, in the case of Tibet, they should follow the example set by successive U.S. Presidents, Secretaries of State and congressional leaders and stand by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and with the Tibetan people.

Turning to Chinese policies on Tibet, I note with concern the recent article by a person of standing within the Chinese Communist Party advocating the scrapping of the Chinese constitutional provisions and laws on autonomy as they apply to the Tibetans and other nationality minorities within the PRC. This should not be read as an expression of an over-zealous individual’s view. Since some years, a certain academician with strong ties to the Communist Party leadership dealing with the Tibetan issue has also been advocating this view in various forums. It is important to understand the consequences of the implementation of such ideas, for they are considerable.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s proposals and the position of the Tibetan exile administration, supported by many international experts and governments alike, is that the situation in Tibet should be resolved by transforming what is now merely a nominal autonomy for Tibetans under the Chinese constitution and laws into a genuine and effective autonomy. We are convinced that our primary goal of restoring the right of Tibetans to live as Tibetans according to our culture, values and religious traditions can best be achieved if Tibetans can govern themselves under a system of devolution of power from the central government to the Tibet Autonomous Region and its contiguous Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties in the People’s Republic of China (where half of all Tibetans live). The international community is increasingly aware of the benefits of decentralization of power and the contribution of autonomy arrangements in the resolution and prevention of conflicts, especially in multi-ethnic states. The autonomy Tibetans are asking for, as set out in detail in the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People that my delegation presented to the Chinese government in our 8th round of dialogue in November 2008, respects the Chinese constitutional framework and is in line with the best practice of states in the area of autonomy.

Instead of supporting the implementation of real autonomy in Tibetan areas within the People’s Republic of China, the proposal I am referring to advocates the opposite position. In the name of promoting Chinese nationalism it calls for eliminating ethnicity and minority status for Tibetans coupled with assimilationist policies, such as requiring that Tibetan children study Chinese culture as the aspirational culture. The policy being advocated is one that negates the distinctiveness of Tibetans and other non-Chinese and would hasten the serious cultural destruction already underway in Tibet.

The recently-concluded session of the Chinese National People’s Congress did not take up these suggestions, but these ideas are dangerous all the same. If these ideas were to lead to changes in the autonomy laws, such a development would have serious ramifications internationally, in Tibet, and for prospects of achieving a negotiated solution to the Tibet question because it is on the basis on a genuinely autonomous Tibet that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been able to build a consensus among Tibetans for a future of coexistence with the Chinese.

The international ramifications should be carefully weighed by any Chinese leader contemplating this radical policy move. It is necessary to consider that the recognition by certain governments of China’s claim to Tibet was conditioned through various diplomatic exchanges on the understanding that Tibet’s distinctive identity would be respected as an autonomous area within the People’s Republic of China. Perhaps most important in this regard was India’s demand and China’s explicit assurance, given by Prime Minister Chou Enlai to Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in 1956.

Given India’s proximity to Tibet and its long relations with that country and with China, the Indian government’s position and the assurances given to it by the People’s Republic of China are particularly important because these factors clearly affected the actions and positions of other states whose governments have continued, as has the Government of India, to emphasize the autonomy of Tibet while recognizing it to be a part of the People’s Republic of China. Joint communiques between India and China make the important distinction when dealing with Tibet of referring to the autonomous status of the Tibetan region. A revocation of Tibet’s autonomy by China or a further dilution of its meaning cannot be taken lightly by these governments and could have serious consequences for China and the region.

What China’s leaders must also realize is that by reneging on the promises of autonomy in the constitution even if they are unfulfilled would severely impact the Tibetan position on the question. His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle Way approach is premised on the supposition that a middle ground between independence and the current centralist dictatorship is possible within the framework of the People’s Republic of China and its constitution. That middle ground is genuine autonomy. If the constitutional basis for autonomy were to be removed from the Chinese constitution and if, therefore, a Middle Way approach could no longer be accommodated within the People’s Republic of China and its constitution, then Tibetans would be compelled to look for a totally different approach.

When we look at the volatile situation in Tibet today, we could well be witnessing a preview of what is yet to come if Tibetans there do not soon experience a considerable, tangible and meaningful change in China’s policies and practices or are at least given a realistic expectation for such change. The terrible and tragic wave of self-immolations in eastern and northeastern Tibet the Tibetan areas of Kham and Amdo are unquestionably the direct result of Tibetans living under daily circumstances of oppression. The Chinese government’s failure to grasp the reality of this situation and to act responsibly is of serious concern to many governments.

Prospects for deepening religious repression in Tibet, continuing vituperative attacks against His Holiness the Dalai Lama, constraints on culture, including in the area of Tibetan language use, escalating tensions between Tibetans and Chinese as a result of economic disparities, the yet unknown impact of China’s radical social experiment with nomad settlement all of these developments forecast an intensification and broadening of the protest movement in Tibet.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has always called on the people to refrain from using violence and has courageously reached out to China’s leaders over the years. The willful disregard of Chinese leaders to his proposals and to the plight of the Tibetan people has placed at risk the peace and stability of Tibet. I do not expect Tibetans to turn to violence as long as His Holiness is present as the symbol of the Tibetan nation and its spirit. However, a continuation of the current level of repression in Tibet or a worsening of it, which some observers expect??will increase Tibetan resistance, as people feel they have little left to lose.

In circumstances of intense government repression against its own citizens or of open conflict the international community has coalesced around the Responsibility to Protect or R2P principle. This principle has been invoked in UN debates on Darfur, Burma, Libya and elsewhere, and the UN has established a framework for its implementation, including the role of early warning. The exercise of sovereignty is a privilege and responsibility that is derived from the will of the people, and it prohibits their abuse. In the case of mass atrocities, the international community has a responsibility to intervene to assist the people and protect them from intolerable harm. Intervention need not be military in nature: that is clearly a measure of last resort.

China, with Russia, has used its veto in the Security Council to block a UN Resolution on Syria that would have embraced R2P as a justification of intervention, claiming the Security Council had no role in the internal affairs of a state. But the People’s Republic of China is not immune to the will of the people it governs or to the condemnation of the international community when it violates international norms of behavior. And Tibetans will inevitably continue to appeal to the international community, despite the major obstacles they may encounter in that endeavor. They have no choice but to do so in the face of the Chinese government’s refusal to address their real and legitimate grievances. The risk factors are in place in Tibet. Unless China’s leaders change their course, with a more responsible approach, I believe that the international community must be increasingly vigilant and prepared to act in a qualitatively different manner to help save Tibet.

Thank you.